I hadn’t heard of Demetri Martin. But his site is funny. Check him out!
I hadn’t heard of Demetri Martin. But his site is funny. Check him out!
After posting that Paul Johnson quote the other day, I thought I might share some quotes I like. I’ll act like there will be one every day, but knowing my poor history at follow-through there will be some new quotes offered “on occasion.”
I’ve begin many a talk with the following quote:
“If a thing is worth doing, it is worth doing badly.” G.K. Chesterton
This quote usually disarms the audience. “What?” Chesterton realizes that you don’t have always be the best at everything you try. He was concerned even in his day that there was a dangerous trend to “professionalizing” life. Instead of playing ball in the back yard, people pay experts to play. Instead singing, we buy CDs. Instead of telling our stories, we watch TV. In other words, we are in danger of giving the living of life over to others while we just sit back and watch.
Far better to jump in the ring. Trying living life firsthand. Even if we aren’t the best, and even if we don’t win awards, we at least are living.
In his 4th quarter Public Justice Report, James Skillen suggests that regardless of who wins what seats in the upcoming election little will probably change in Washington. First, he suggest voter apathy is high because “most voters seem to be aware that lobbyists have more power than they do, and that their vote won’t matter much. Many have also concluded that major problems won’t be solved by Washington, regardless of who wins election.”
Our current system is ill-equipped to solve the continuing stagnation in Washington politics, and Skillen believes that even the emergence of independents and third parties can do little to change the current atmosphere.
The problem? He suggests that our country desperately needs a system that represents the national interests because we are a nationwide community of citizens whose collective actions can have dramatic impact upon our culture and our world. Unfortunately, the system we have (and even independent and 3rd party groups) will not represent national interests but special interests groups. He proposes a focusing on building national parties:
What we need is something much more significant than election-campaign finance reform, or lobbying reform, or the growth of independent voters and representatives. We need a fundamental change in the electoral system that will help to produce national parties that are truly competitive and whose elected representatives will be answerable to party members and voters rather than to lobbyists. We need a system change that will lead to the representation of the real diversity of American voters in Congress and that will, thereby, draw voters out of their apathy into participation in elections and politics. We need 75 percent or more of voters to vote instead of 50 percent or less.
He continues with a proposal to change the way we elect representatives from focusing on districts to electing parties:
If each state eliminated all congressional districts and allowed any number of political parties (not only two) each to field a number of statewide candidates corresponding to the number of House seats to which the state is entitled, voters could then caste their votes for the party they really believed in. No votes would be lost as happens in a simple majority system. When the votes were tallied, each party would gain as many House seats as its percentage of the statewide vote entitled it, no more, no less. If the Republicans got 40 percent of the vote, they would win 40 percent of the seats. If the Democrats got 40 percent of the votes, they would win 40 percent of the seats. If the Libertarian Party, or Green Party, or Conservative Party won five percent of the vote, it would win five percent of the seats. If a Public Justice Party won 10 percent of the votes, it would win 10 percent of the seats.
Not only would such a system allow the diversity of American voters some real choices for a change, it would also compel parties in different states that share common principles and platforms to work together to build a national party. If all Republicans, or all Greens, or all Libertarians across the country did not bind themselves in a tight agreement about what they would aim to achieve when their elected representatives arrived in Washington, they would have no coalition of forces in Congress. This process would begin to force the emergence of truly national parties with national agendas. These parties would also have to decide ahead of time (and make public) which interest groups were supporting them and on what terms they would take those interest groups into account in their legislating. Voters would then be able to decide which party to support and would be able to help shape an overarching agenda for the party whose elected representatives would remain more accountable to its members and voters than to the interest groups.
Skillen believes this solution would do away with gerrymandering and hold officials to a greater level of accountability to national interests.
I still have to process Skillen’s proposal, but I am interested in the way he tackles the problems in Washington by suggesting it is a systems problem not simply a personnel problem. If anything, this could open a conversation about different ways to think about our current system; although I think most people would fear any tampering or changes to our current system.
Sisu offered a delightful Paul Johnson quote:
The study of history is a powerful antidote to contemporary arrogance. It is humbling to discover how many of our glib assumptions, which seem to us novel and plausible, have been tested before, not once but many times and in innumerable guises; and discovered to be, at great human cost, wholly false. – Paul Johnson
Makes me think of this Chesterton quote:
“Tradition means giving votes to the most obscure of all classes, our ancestors. It is the democracy of the dead. Tradition refuses to submit to that arrogant oligarchy who merely happen to be walking around.” G.K. Chesterton
I think both quotes point to the illusion that the current generation is always more advanced than previous generations. We cannot see outside our particular cultural milieu. While every group in history is trapped by the particularity of their times, we can gain perspective by listening and engaging those from other ages and cultures. And when we do, we realize humans are humans in all ages and struggle with many similar challenges, so in spite our our hyperlinked world, we’re still human with basic human struggles and we can learn from those who’ve gone before us.
I usually avoid politics here except for my recent drudge comment because our culture (both online and offline) seems unwilling to truly enter into dialogue about ideas and so often public discussion is more about hurling invectives between trench lines.
My biggest problem is the feeling that I don’t fit in either camp: Republicans or Democrats; conservatives or liberals. Growing up in East TN, I found my home among the Republicans and enthusiastically joined the College Republicans in the early 80s.
When I left college, I ministered at an Inner City church among the homeless and weakest members of our society. Many of my ideals were challenged.
I am still strongly pro-life, but I’ve tried to understand how that applies across the board: from birth to death (including death penalty, war, childcare, aging care, immigration and more). For me pro-life means being pro-person and trying understand how valuing each person should affect the way I view this world. This makes me feel disconnected from both parties, and yet at times finding points of agreement with either group.
Over the years, I’ve developed friendships with people from all walks of life and political (and/or non-political) persuasions. By practicing Buber’s idea of facing people and really listening, I find myself less willing to entrench myself in certain ideas.
This also makes me listen to competing views and honestly try to think through difficult issues like the Iraq war and other issues. As I listen, wrestle, discuss and even argue at times, I often find myself in that “undecided” black hole because these issues are never as simple as the pundits preach.
The current political landscape is tired and self-serving. So people like me struggle to wonder the value of even voting.
Get your web 2.0 fix here.
The number one reason I check Drudge is for the headlines. His headlines crack me up! I know folks say he is Republican operative, but I tend think there a little more anarchy in his libertarianism.
Today’s topper:
'MAYBE IT WILL TAKE A WOMAN TO CLEAN UP THE HOUSE'...
Just when you thought it was safe to pick up an O’Reilly book…Web 3.0.
Simon Simeonov sees some interesting implications of Web 2.0 for E-Commerce. Here are three trends he observes:
1. First, expect a significant move to more interactive user experiences delivered through rich internet applications (RIAs). “The main goal will be reducing shopping cart & checkout abandonment…”
Doug thoughts: From a useability standpoint, I think most carts flunk. But newer AJAX models may solve the problems of way too many steps. As long as we can think human-centered and not just cool. Of course, the cart is fundamental for E-Commerce but there are so many other possibilities for RIAs.
2. The second trend is accelerating disaggregation, brought about by the dual forces of focusing on core competencies and leveraging network effects. … “The most successful services will reduce the barriers to purchase across sites.”
Doug thoughts: The interconnecting between sites and services is changing the landscape in ways that most companies cannot fully grasp yet. But it will most certainly change the way we understand brand and marketing.
3. The third trend is social commerce, which comes in two flavors: content-driven and interaction-driven, or passive vs. active. Combined with disaggregation, it means that social commerce will happen everywhere, not just on the e-commerce sites.
Doug thoughts: I think Netflix friends is one amazing example of on site social commerce.
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